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            國際研究Essay格式:Syrian Refugees in Canada and Cosmopolitanism

            論文價格: 免費 時間:2022-01-14 09:19:42 來源:www.orient-thai.net 作者:留學作業網

            本文是國際研究專業的留學生Essay范例,題目是“Syrian Refugees in Canada and Cosmopolitanism(敘利亞難民在加拿大與世界主義)”,作為一個國家,加拿大承諾在20162月之前在全球接收25,000名敘利亞難民,該計劃正在進行中(加拿大政府,2017)。這一政策使加拿大在國際社會中的作用和責任產生了分歧。雖然媒體已廣泛注意到美國最近在移民和安全方面有問題的政策,但國際社會已被引導相信加拿大是一個進步和接受的國家。然而,安格斯·里德研究所(Angus Reid Institute)和加拿大廣播公司(Canadian Broadcasting Corporation)2016年進行的一項研究發現,加拿大人并不像聯邦政府的言論讓全球公民相信的那樣接受和具有全球意識。這項研究發現,79%的加拿大人認為,應該優先考慮加拿大自己的經濟和勞動力需求,而不是優先考慮海外危機中的人(Proctor, 2016)。此外,68%的加拿大人認為少數民族應該做更多的工作來融入加拿大/美國的主流社會(Proctor, 2016)。由于這兩項調查都顯示出強烈的民族主義思維方式,加拿大公民的世界主義和全球公民身份可能會引起爭論。世界主義是一種意識形態,即所有人類都是一個全球共同體的一部分,擁有共同的道德、權利和共同的責任;這樣的調查結果鼓勵探索全球化的各種挑戰和限制。由于市場放松管制、高潮事件、安全不穩定和交通技術,全球社區和全球事件繼續變得更加相互關聯;需要加強強調世界主義的二重性,鼓勵個人將自己置于全球環境中。正是通過闡述這一意識形態,地緣政治的向心力和地緣政治的離心力之間的反差可能會受到挑戰。

            Introduction介紹

            Canada, as a nation, pledged globally to take in 25,000 Syrian refugees before February 2016 with this initiative being ongoing (Government of Canada, 2017). This policy has left the nation divided on Canadas roles and responsibilities within the global community. While there has been extensive media attention drawn to the United States of Americas recent problematic policies pertaining to immigration and security, the global community has been led to believe that Canada is a progressive and accepting nation. However, a study conducted in 2016 by the Angus Reid Institute and the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation found that Canadians arent as accepting and globally conscious as the Federal Governments rhetoric has led global citizens to believe. This study found that 79% of Canadians felt that priority should be given to Canadas own economic and workforce needs over the prioritization of people in crisis abroad (Proctor, 2016). Furthermore, 68% of Canadians believed that minorities should do more to fit in with mainstream Canadian/American society (Proctor, 2016). As both of these polls reveal strong nationalistic ways of thinking, the cosmopolitanism and global citizenship of Canadian citizens may be debated. As cosmopolitanism is the ideology of all human-beings being a part of a global community, having a shared set of morals, rights, and mutual responsibilities; such poll results encourage the exploration of the varying challenges and limitations of globalization. With the global community and global events continuing to become more interlinked due to market deregulation, climactic events, security instability, and transportation technologies; an increased emphasis needs to be placed on the duality of cosmopolitanism with individuals being encouraged to situate themselves within a global setting. It is through elaborating on this ideology that the contrast between centripetal geopolitical forces towards and the opposing centrifugal forces that have deeply divided geography and history may be challenged.

             國際研究Essay范例

            Cosmopolitanism, Globalization, and Global Citizenship世界主義、全球化和全球公民

            The ideology of cosmopolitanism has continually evolved throughout time, being debated as to the nature of its affiliation with globalization, nationalism, privilege, and global citizenship. As it was first theorized in Ancient Greece, cosmopolitanism was viewed as a manner in which an individuals loyalty lay not solely with the state or the relationships of kin and community, but with a universal shared identity furthermore, becoming a citizen of the universe. This ideology of one belonging to a global community, as opposed to a nation-state has been discussed and debated across various works, with each theorist contributing to the narrative of what cosmopolitanism is and how it is subsequently linked to nationalism. With cosmopolitanism and nationalism occurring concurrently, the manner of scale in which each exist has been examined and evaluated. With global interactions becoming increasingly interconnected due to neoliberal policy and shared markets, the relation between individual, state, and identity has been increasingly discussed over the past two decades.

            世界主義的意識形態隨著時間的推移而不斷演變,對于其與全球化、民族主義、特權和全球公民關系的性質爭論不休。世界主義最早是在古希臘提出的,它被認為是一種方式,在這種方式中,個人的忠誠不僅取決于國家或親屬和社區的關系,而且取決于一個普遍共享的身份——此外,成為一個“宇宙公民”。這種屬于全球共同體的意識形態,而不是民族國家,已經在各種著作中進行了討論和辯論,每個理論家都對世界主義是什么以及它隨后如何與民族主義聯系在一起的敘述做出了貢獻。摘要世界主義與民族主義同時發生,兩者存在的尺度方式已被檢視與評估。由于新自由主義政策和共享市場,全球互動變得越來越相互關聯,個人、國家和身份之間的關系在過去20年里被越來越多地討論。

             

            It is due to such recent institutional structures and change that scholar Pheng Cheah argues that cosmopolitanism is dependent and sustained by the state or institution. As Cheah views current institutions to have a global reach in their regulatory function, she further theorizes that power is embedded within regulation and that political consciousness or solidarity is dependent state functions, of which can be further influenced by the individual. Her writing further builds upon the theories of Immanuel Kant who initially viewed cosmopolitanism as having four central modalities. These pillars of cosmopolitanism included: (1) a world federation as the legal and political institutional basis for cosmopolitanism as a form of right; (2) the historical basis of cosmopolitanism in world trade; (3) the idea of a global public sphere; and (4) the importance of cosmopolitan culture in instilling a sense of belonging to humanity. However, while several of Kants theoretical foundations are still applicable today, the majority of his work does not yield answer for current global circumstances. Due to his work originating in the 18th century, his ideologies were unable to reflect upon the current globalized state of cosmopolitanism. As Kant believed that state had a fundamental role in the moral-cultural education of its citizens, his work did not take into account the individual agency and the violence imposed on various groups- further limiting the notion of global citizenship.

            正是由于這種近代的制度結構和變化,學者彭謝才提出世界主義是依賴于國家或制度而維持的。謝淑娟認為,目前的機構在其監管職能方面具有全球影響力,因此她進一步推斷,權力根植于監管之中,政治意識或團結是依賴于國家職能的,這些職能可以受到個人的進一步影響。她的寫作進一步建立在伊曼努爾·康德的理論之上,康德最初認為世界主義有四種中心形式。世界主義的支柱包括:(1)作為權利形式的世界主義的法律和政治制度基礎的世界聯盟;(2)世界主義在世界貿易中的歷史基礎;(3)全球公共領域的理念;(4)世界主義文化在灌輸人類歸屬感方面的重要性。然而,雖然康德的一些理論基礎在今天仍然適用,但他的大部分工作并沒有為當前的全球情況提供答案。由于他的作品起源于18世紀,他的意識形態無法反映當今世界主義的全球化狀態??档抡J為,國家在公民的道德文化教育中發揮著基礎性作用,他的著作沒有考慮到個人機構和強加于不同群體的暴力——這進一步限制了全球公民的概念。

             

            Such ideologies of cosmopolitanism being dependent on the state are further contested in the works of fellow cosmopolitan theorist Keely Badger. As her work in response to Kant highlights the ethnic, religious and racial conflicts that continue to degrade life quality, human rights and freedom she highlights that cosmopolitanism is based on an individuals education and their feelings of obligation to mankind, free of external government or temporal power. Contrary to the formalized structures presented by Cheah, Badger views cosmopolitanism as being dependent on conversations across boundaries of identity including national, religious or other; further allowing for an evolving cosmopolitan worldview. Furthermore, Badger emphasizes human plurality of being of the highest value, as well as, through discrediting state violence. Her work continues to further call cosmopolitanism to be centered upon a need for the toleration of the beliefs of others and what one may fail to understand. This notion of individual agency is also agreed upon and addressed in Cheahs work, as she addresses cosmopolitanism in respect to the relation between cosmopolitanism and nationalism. Due to Cheah highlighting a distinction between the normativity of morality and that of cosmopolitan right, she argues that cosmopolitanism is not identical to moral freedom but is merely an institutional vehicle for its actualization. While this indicates that cosmopolitanism is not necessarily opposed to nationalism, her writing shows that solidarity associated with cosmopolitanism is not affiliated with national character. Therefore, her view of cosmopolitanism is not opposed to nationalism but to absolute statism. While both articles present the limitations to nationalism and the potential violence that has resulted from nation-state tendencies, Cheah and Badger call for the role of non-government organizations (NGOs) to fill a leadership role in our agglomerated world. Both authors theorize that such organizations have a role to administer international cooperation, economic development, international law, and human rights. However, the authors discuss potential limitations of such organizations, of which can be exemplified in Badgers critique of the United Nations and how the organization walks a fine line between exercising its governance power and working within the confines of conflicting sovereignties. While the work of Cheah does not mention grass-roots initiatives, Badgers article goes on to call for the need of grass-roots NGOs to combat the rampant neoliberal capitalism that has propagated globally since the 1990s. However, she further theorizes that this manner of overcoming neoliberalism can only be sustained through continual consciousness transcending and overcoming the constraining rhetoric presented by nationalism/statism driven by corporations, as well as nation states. Therefore, it is suggested that cosmopolitanism is distanced from the state and nationalistic identification, as cosmopolitanism from below via normative and politically oriented forms of social action are determined to be more powerful in cultivating a shared cosmopolitan consciousness. Nevertheless, this argument is challenged within limitations of Cheahs writing as she questions who is privileged as being cosmopolitan and how are transnational underclasses or marginalized groups limited from participating in such ideologies and what constitutes as legitimate solidarity. As the works go onto later agree that social and political movements are needed to challenge nationalistic thinking through the use of non-violent institutional groundings and uprising in attempt to disrupt political loyalties, allegiances, and group identities. Such anarchic ideologies of social disruption are later discussed in the work of Badger, as she highlights the potential usage of social media and the Internet for physical mobilization of cosmopolitan resistance, as well as, facilitating uprisings from below. Such examples in the writing included anti-sweatshop campaigns, democratic revolutions, and shifting conscience of the global community. As both Cheah and Badger discuss the anarchistic nature of cosmopolitanism, this ideology is further built upon in the work of Graham Maddox. As he initially highlights cosmopolitanisms love for mankind and the rejection of state imposed thinking- his writing contrasts the work of the other authors, stating that the [average] cosmopolitanis a pacifist at heart. His work goes on to challenge the previous writing of Cheah and Badger, highlighting that while the global population has become more interconnected due to globalization- this may have resulted in the rise of nationalistic ideologies and xenophobia. His writing goes on to exemplify this concept by highlighting the prominence of global terrorism and the impact this has had on minority populations in Australia. As global consciousness has the potential to make people nervous and resentful, there may be a shift from cosmopolitan thinking often resulting in increased xenophobia with vulnerable groups becoming scape goats for the public to inflict violence upon.  Similar to the work of Cheah, he addresses the role of capitalism and neoliberalism in relation the power struggle with corporate or nationalistic power often prevailing, resulting in the will of the people receding addressing the masculine nature of Western dominant thought and hegemony. While Maddoxs work address cosmopolitanism in Australia, a nation that has followed a similar colonial narrative as Canada his work has tied in closely to fellow theorist, Jean-Francois Caron. While the work of Caron agrees with the other theorists that cosmopolitanism can be seen as a superior to national patriotism in regards to the inclusion, she highlights that this idealistic moral posture of cosmopolitanism has no chance of replacing national identities. As she highlights that while national identities are not static and remain intangible throughout time, it is through national narratives and collective mentalities that circumstances are challenged and limits are reinterpreted. Similar to the work of Maddox her work highlights Canadas cosmopolitan worldview in relation to the nations colonial history, adding that it was a distrust of American culture and a sense of moral superioritythat led to Canadas national rhetoric being reinforced. While she highlights the nations identity as being inherently anti-American, she also gives praise to Canadas sense of multiculturalism stating it as a success story, contrary to other countries where such diversity often results in violence. This is later exemplified as she goes on further proclaim that immigrants coming to Canada are welcomed to society and that inter-racial marriage serves as a benchmark for Canadas openness. However, her thoughts in relation to Canadas rooted cosmopolitan nature can be challenged due to this work being problematic, failing to account for the complexities of multiculturalism, the experiences of minority individuals, and the continued need for Canada to be more globally consciousness and welcoming of foreigners. The shortcomings and complexities presented within the work of the four cosmopolitan theorists can be further exemplified and expanded upon through an evaluation of Canadians societys worldviews and realities in relation to the intake of Syrian refugees. As Canada is proclaimed to be one of the most multicultural and globally conscious nations in the world, it is necessary for Canadians to reflect inward to question how we situate ourselves globally, as well as to critically examine the #refugeeswelcomeinitiative.

             國際研究Essay怎么寫

            Syrian Refugees in Canada加拿大的敘利亞難民

            The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) estimates that 960,000 refugees are currently in need of resettlement in a third country (Martin, 2016). These are refugees who, according to the UNHCR, can neither return to their country of origin nor integrate into their country of first asylum (Martin, 2016). Together, the international community has committed to resettle around 80,000 refugees each year with Canada resettling approximately 10% of this total (Government of Canada, 2017). The Canadian governments current goal is to resettle between 8% and 12% of all refugees (Government of Canada, 2017). Several factors contributed to the Canadian publics initial response to the Syrian refugee crisis, including public outcry for support following the death of Ayan Kurdi, a Syrian child who drown while travelling by boat from Turkey to Greece a child of a family that had been refused resettlement to Canada; and, the 2015 national election serving as a platform for all prime ministerial candidates to debate the ideology of accepting refugees openly. Similar to the ideologies relating to media and the Internet presented in the article of Badger, this serves as an example of how cosmopolitan media has resulted in public conscientiousness and outcry. However, this also exemplifies the limitations of global citizenship presented by Maddox and Cheah as to how migration has become a political issue with bureaucrats, policy makers, and citizens (in a limited manner) determining who can and cant be a citizen of a country or the world. At this time, Canadian citizens also wanted the federal government to match the rhetoric of Canadian identity as compassionate, openly engaged in the international community and open to newcomers.

            聯合國難民事務高級專員辦事處(UNHCR)估計,目前有96萬難民需要在第三國重新安置(Martin, 2016)。根據聯合國難民署的數據,這些難民既不能返回原籍國,也不能融入第一庇護國(Martin, 2016)。國際社會共同承諾每年安置約8萬名難民,其中加拿大安置約10%(加拿大政府,2017)。加拿大政府目前的目標是重新安置8%12%的難民(加拿大政府,2017)。有幾個因素促成了加拿大公眾對敘利亞難民危機的最初反應,包括死亡后的公眾支持·Kurdi敘利亞孩子淹死坐船旅行時從土耳其到希臘——一個孩子的家庭拒絕移民加拿大;2015年的大選是所有總理候選人公開討論收容難民意識形態的平臺。與拜哲文章中提出的與媒體和互聯網有關的意識形態類似,這可以作為一個例子,說明世界性媒體如何導致公眾的良知和抗議。然而,這也體現了MaddoxCheah提出的全球公民身份的局限性,即移民如何成為官僚、決策者和公民(以有限的方式)決定誰能或不能成為一個國家或世界的公民的一個政治問題。在這個時候,加拿大公民也希望聯邦政府與加拿大身份的修辭相匹配:富有同情心,公開參與國際社會,對新來者開放。

             

            The newly elected governments commitment to resettle Syrians was primarily driven by the momentum of the election, and later by the need to demonstrate the new governments capacity to swiftly implement promises. It is through this shift in political being that Cheahs theory of the state being made up of the citizens may be illustrated due to the majority of Canadian voters presenting more liberal or globally conscious values. The Canadian government further committed to resettling more than 25,000 Syrian refugees specifically between November, 2015 and February, 2016 with commitments extending into 2017 (Government of Canada, 2017). To date, a total of 40,081 Syrian refugees have resettled across 350 Canadian communities since the initiative was first introduced in 2015 (Government of Canada, 2017). Of these Syrian refugees 21,876 are Government Assisted, meaning that the government will provide the refugee (and their family, if applicable) with accommodation, clothing, food, assistance finding employment, and other resettlement assistance for one year or until they are able to support themselves (Government of Canada, 2017). A further 3,931Syrian refugees were resettled as Blended Visa-Referred Refugees, being selected by the UNHCR with further support being provided by the federal government and private sponsors (Government of Canada, 2017). The remaining 14,274 Syrian refugees are privately sponsored (Government of Canada, 2017).

             

            While the number of privately sponsored refugees has increased over recent years the Canadian government has decreased the number of Syrian refugees that are privately sponsored, further limiting the number of refugees allowed to resettle in the country. It is through this permissive nature of allocating the number of citizens Canada allows within its borders, that the notion of cosmopolitanism is challenged by nationalism. As the world is theorized to be interacting on a global scale, the use of borders, immigration, and political discourse pertaining to the acceptance or bigotry towards Syrian refugees remains problematic. This connects with both Badger and Cheahs theories as this highlights the role government plays in regulating global citizenship and movement. Through disallowing privately sponsored refugees into the country, this top-down approach challenges the bottom-up outcry and mobilization to increase the number of refugees coming into the country. While the government presents the #refugeeswelcomerhetoric, through limiting the number of total refugees permitted into the country this representation of welcomingmay be challenged in a cosmopolitan context.

            近年來,私人資助的難民數量有所增加,但加拿大政府減少了私人資助的敘利亞難民數量,進一步限制了獲準在加拿大定居的難民數量。正是由于加拿大允許在其境內分配公民數量的這種寬容性質,世界主義的概念受到了民族主義的挑戰。由于世界被理論化為在全球范圍內互動,邊界、移民和政治話語的使用與接納或偏見敘利亞難民有關,仍然存在問題。這與BadgerCheah的理論相聯系,因為這強調了政府在調節全球公民和運動中所扮演的角色。通過不允許私人資助的難民進入該國,這種自上而下的做法挑戰了自下而上的呼吁和動員,以增加進入該國的難民人數。雖然政府提出了“歡迎難民”的論調,但通過限制允許進入該國的難民總數,這種“歡迎難民”的表現形式可能在世界主義的背景下受到挑戰。

             

            With matching and arrival times between the initial phase of the program from November 2015 to February 2016 being quick, an unrealistic expectation for private individuals or groups waiting to be matched with a new coming refugee family has resulted (Marwah, 2016). Now that the target of 25,000 Syrian Refugees has been met, the process has significantly slowed down, leaving various parties on a waiting list to provide sponsorship (Marwah, 2016).  Other groups that were matched in this process have still been waiting for refugees to arrive, with some groups being stuck with empty rented apartments, have wasted resources, and are struggling with the sponsorship morale (Marwah, 2016). Additionally, further challenges exist keeping sponsors engaged and motivated as they may not be matched until the end of the year (Marwah, 2016). This can be associated with the article of Karen Badger as her theology highlights the need for individual consciousness and a conscious civil society. Through citizens being disallowed from sponsoring a refugee, this may potentially discourage sponsorship and result in a reduction of cosmopolitan thinking’ – further encouraging the pacifisttheorized by Graham Maddox. While there is a need for the Canadian Government to articulate the complexities and the timing of a resettlement initiative of this scale, this process of refugee intake needs to be re-evaluated. With complex decision-making and political structures being overseen increased communication among partnering agencies, as well as, further patience and commitment to support refugees is needed.

             

            There is also a need for Canadian society to reflect upon the nature of which the country accepts refugees. While there is a stark difference between the services and preconception of Syrian and non-Syrian refugees, there is a need for increased attention as to the dualistic nature of the acceptance of refugees. Primarily this difference can be seen as Syrian refugees who arrived after the Liberal government came to power do not in contrast to refugees of other nationalities and previous Syrian refugees have to repay the governments travel loan which enabled their journey to Canada (McMurdo, 2016). While the theory of Caron highlights a multicultural nation, full of welcoming and accepting individuals (as opposed to the USA), this does not accredit the challenges refugees may face upon re-settling. This may be related to this two-tiered system of refugee intake, as the nation being cosmopolitanwas quick to respond to the Syrian crisisyet was not globally consciousas to the needs and backgrounds of past refugees.

            加拿大社會還需要反思該國接受難民的性質。雖然對敘利亞難民和非敘利亞難民的服務和先入為主的看法有明顯的差別,但有必要更加注意接納難民的二元論性質。這種差異主要可以被看作是,在自由黨政府上臺后抵達的敘利亞難民——與其他國籍的難民和之前的敘利亞難民不同——不必償還政府的旅行貸款,這使他們能夠前往加拿大(McMurdo, 2016)。雖然Caron的理論強調了一個多元文化的國家,充滿了歡迎和接受個人(與美國相反),但這并不認可難民在重新安置時可能面臨的挑戰。這可能與接納難民的兩級體系有關,因為這個“世界性”的國家對敘利亞“危機”做出了迅速的反應,但對過去難民的需求和背景卻沒有“全球意識”。

             

            Furthermore, while non-Syrian refugees have arrived with debt and hundreds of cases to slowly make their way through the resettlement process, some Syrian refugees have been expedited and arrived in Canada with special treatment, loan free (Marwah, 2016). By putting forward a helpful and empathetic view towards the Syrian population, the government has effectively created two classes of refugees, disregarding fairness and equality towards all marginalized refugee groups. Others, including the private sector and social services have followed suit in offering various benefits to newly arriving Syrians to Canada. Yet, this welcome has the effect of making invisible any other refugees (Marwah, 2016).

             

            With the recent terror attacks throughout the world, and the resulting rhetoric of islamophobia, the initiative to resettle Syrians to Canada has become an increasingly debated topic among Canadians. Similar to the work of Maddox, this notion of uncertainty, fear, and xenophobia have been present in Canada in regards to the intake of refugees. Due to security in the resettlement processing has becoming a point of public contention, the Liberal government has shared and updated regular information/data to ease the fears of Canadian citizens. However, this has not limited the number of hate crimes and racist violence imposed on minority groups (refugee or not). As the nation fears uncertainty, and has been negatively influenced by media portraying terroristic events abroad, the way Canada situates itself within the global setting could become more conscious and aware of the limitation of such thinking.

            隨著最近全球范圍內的恐怖襲擊,以及由此產生的伊斯蘭恐懼癥,在加拿大重新安置敘利亞人的倡議已成為越來越多的辯論話題。與馬多克斯的工作類似,這種不確定性、恐懼和仇外的概念在加拿大關于接納難民的問題上一直存在。由于安置過程中的安全問題已成為公眾爭論的焦點,自由黨政府已分享和更新定期信息/數據,以緩解加拿大公民的恐懼。然而,這并沒有限制對少數群體(難民或非難民)實施仇恨犯罪和種族主義暴力的數量。由于國家害怕不確定性,并受到媒體對國外恐怖事件的報道的負面影響,加拿大在全球環境中的定位方式可以變得更加清醒,并意識到這種思維的局限性。

             

            Also, disappointingly, settlement services in Canada have not yet received the same support from the government as was offered in physically resettling the refugees to Canada (McMurdo, 2016). With a huge and rapid influx of refugees, settlement services have been stretched beyond capacity, without sufficient resources to adequately address the refugeesneeds, or the time to invest in additional fundraising (McMurdo, 2016).  As a result of the scale of arrivals, enrolling the refugees in language classes and/or schools and allocating housing, along with other basic services has proven challenging (McMurdo, 2016). Certain refugees have been staying in temporary accommodation for weeks longer than usual (McMurdo, 2016). The private sector and civil society have played an active role in responding to the needs of the thousands of Syrian arrivals and to fill this gap (McMurdo, 2016).  Further training is needed for professionals to support this specific group of people and their varied needs, particularly government-assisted refugees, who have greater needs and vulnerabilities (McMurdo, 2016). Therefore, like the works of the theorists discussed in the earlier half of the paper, there is a need for civil consciousness and the support of non-government organizations and community groups to implement the services government falls short of providing. Through this anarchistic nature of cosmopolitanism and overall shared responsibility of our fellow countrymen (and women) or global neighbours, the limitations of nationalism and neoliberal globalization can be continually contested and reframed. By allowing individuals to take ownership of their behaviours on a domestic and international scale, the cosmopolitan revolution may continue to occur, further limiting the nationalistic fear and xenophobia shift the globe may current be seeing.

             

            Conclusion結論

            As the global population continues to be more interlinked, the theology of cosmopolitanism will continue to change and be reframed through future years. While it may seem that the global citizenis being challenged the mostin recent years due to shifts towards nationalistic thinking and hate crimes increasing, the potential for globally conscious, aware citizens needs to be promoted. While this may be best done at a grass-roots, individualistic level the potential for positive change may result. With the rhetoric surrounding Canadians and Syrian refugees might not being as acceptingas the government wants the nation to perceive it to be, increased education and interaction between Canadians and our newest refugee citizens (Syrian or not) yields the potential to break down the barriers of nationalism, further preventing usfrom seeing the benefit of diversity and acceptance.

            隨著全球人口繼續更加相互聯系,世界主義神學將繼續改變,并在未來的歲月中重新構建。近年來,由于民族主義思想的轉變和仇恨犯罪的增加,“全球公民”似乎受到了“最多”的挑戰,但全球意識和意識公民的潛力需要提升。雖然這可能最好在基層和個人層面上進行,但可能會產生積極變化的潛力。隨著圍繞加拿大和敘利亞難民的言論可能不像政府希望國家認為的那樣“接受”,加拿大和我們最新的難民公民(敘利亞或非敘利亞人)之間的教育和互動產生了打破民族主義障礙的潛力,進一步阻止“我們”看到多樣性和被接受的好處。

             

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